The
Italian Island Lampedusa is again in the news around the world. Once again it is
because of human tragedies that took place before its coast: several hundreds
of African refugees died during the attempt to cross the Mediterranean Sea in
vessels. As reported in the press, between 1992 and 2012 17’000 humans already died
in such attempts.
In Europe
in all sorts of media there are brisk discussions, comments and reports about
the topic. Two basic view points and recommendations for the future dominate in
discussions: one says that to prevent such tragedies in the future Europe needs
to provide the refugees more support for their plans. An example is that
potential refugees should have the possibility to make a request for asylum directly
in Western embassies in African states. Proponents of this view
moreover think that development aid is an important part to solve the issue. They denounce also exogenous reasons for poverty like the
narrowly self-interested and exploitative activities of Western (natural
resources) corporations in Africa. The second fraction wants to prevent such
tragedies, but by taking measures that are aimed to stop influxes of refugees over
the Mediterranean Sea. This shall be achieved, for example through
strengthening boarder controls on the sea massively and through establishing refugee
camps already in Northern Africa. Proponents of this
view primarily condemn endogenous reasons for poverty like highly corrupt and
kleptocratic elites in the African states.
Overall,
proponents of both views present certain constructive suggestions for solving
the issue. But one main problem is that it seems like the proponents of both
sides do not listen to each other. If they would do so they probably would come
to the conclusion that a combination of their suggestions would be the way to
come to an effective solution. The suggestions are generally not mutually
exclusive (e.g. stronger boarder controls and the possibility to make a request
for asylum in embassies directly). In the existing consequent separation of the
view-points we possibly also can recognize that one part of Europeans act consistent
to one view while the other part does so with the other. The result of quasi
two parallel policies are not only uncoordinated, often there are diametrically
opposed actions (e.g. Western aid trying to provide access to clean water vs. a
Western corporation nearby looting resources and thereby discharging polluted
water in the river).
Coordinated
and coherent actions among proponents of both views and thus of different stakeholders
of the issue would arguably be expedient. It would also prevent from
overturning in non-expedient actions from one fraction which the other is
likely to see as too extreme. Without more coordination the status quo will be
kept.
A second
problem is that the root
causes of the issue are not really discussed. But European stakeholders should focus
more on these root causes. There are, for example potentials to connect
activities of corporations looting natural resources and development aid
organizations. Although it is at a first glance not easy to connect such
different stakeholders it is a necessity: cooperation on root causes would tame
both of them and thus lead to less non-reflected or only one-side-reflected activities.
In this way real opportunities could be created in Africa.
In sum, cooperation
between stakeholders concerning root causes is essential. In a presentation
from early 2010 at the University of Zurich an invited Historian of the
University of Oxford mentioned that the European activities in North Africa were
not considering the full context there. Important realities were ignored and
hence a forward-looking engagement was not possible. A year later the Arab
spring took place. This brought hope in the beginning, but lastly not positive
perspectives for the future of young people. Instead it brought new problems
and new refugees.
Claude Meier
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